Editorials: August 2008 Archives

By Paul Mooney | U.S. News & World Report
August 26, 2008

China was intent on making a splash with the 2008 Olympics, which concluded on Sunday, and it did just that. The games are being described as the best ever, thanks to great organization, impressive Olympic venues, stunning opening and closing ceremonies, an army of 70,000 smiling volunteers, and the amazing performances by athletes such as swimmer Michael Phelps and sprinter Usain Bolt.

But it was not an entirely golden occasion.

The games fell far short of accomplishing what many, perhaps unrealistically, had hoped for--to see the authoritarian Communist Party of China, in the world's spotlight, move toward becoming a kinder and gentler regime. Indeed, there was a lot of commentators' talk about this marking China's full engagement with the world, a sort of coming-out party for a "new China."

Instead, the Communist rulers stayed true to form and did pretty much as they wished while the International Olympic Committee and international community played along for the most part. In the end, the Olympics were a tool for strengthening the party's tight grip on power, rather than being an agent of change.

This could be seen before the games kicked off. Determined to make this "the best games ever," the government forced some 1.5 million Chinese out of their homes--often with little or no compensation--to make way for Olympic venues and beautification projects. Countless hawkers, beggars, construction workers, prostitutes, trash collectors, and migrant laborers were removed from the streets and were sent back to their villages or to detention centers. Ten prominent human rights activists, dubbed the Olympics prisoners, were given prison sentences for criticizing the games.

This policy continued during the games. Ding Zilin, the mother of a 17-year-old son who was killed on the night of June 4, 1989, and the founder of the Mothers of Tiananmen, and Wan Yanhai, a leading AIDS activist, were among several activists taking forced holidays outside the capital. And Zeng Jinyan, the 24-year-old blogger and wife of imprisoned dissident Hu Jia, and her 8-month-old baby, disappeared altogether.

In a throwback to George Orwell's Animal Farm, the Communist authorities set up three Protest Zones in parks where legal demonstrations could be held. Of the 77 applications submitted, not one was approved. Indeed, 15 people were arrested for being foolish enough to believe the government was serious. This includes Wu Dianyuan, 79, and Wang Xiuying, 77, who have been threatened with a year in a re-education-through-labor camp. The two wished to protest against officials who evicted them from their homes in 2001.

While foreign journalists were free to cover sporting events, in many cases, they were harassed, beaten, and even arrested by the police, who prevented them from reporting on sensitive issues and even talking to Chinese citizens. According to the Foreign Correspondents' Club of China, there were more than 30 cases of reporting interference from July 25, the day of the opening of the Olympic Media Center, with the most disturbing trend the increase in the incidence of police roughing up or beating reporters and breaking their cameras. Foreign journalists also complained about restrictions on travel to places like Tibet and in Xinjiang, and the blocking of Internet websites.

Two American videobloggers were detained for covering pro-Tibetan activists and were sentenced to 10 days in prison for "disrupting public order." Dozens of foreign protesters were detained and deported.

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By Dan Wetzel | Yahoo! Sports via UNCENSORED Yahoo! News
August 15, 2008

For a long time, elements of the Chinese government itself thought women's gymnast He Kexin was born Jan. 1, 1994, which would make her 14 and too young to compete in these Summer Olympics.

Whether it was repeated mentions in the government-controlled media - including a new one uncovered Friday by the Associated Press - or on official gymnastic meet registration forms and websites, He was "this little girl" and a "new star."

As recently as December 2007, in provincial gymnastics meets and news reports that covered it, she was a 13-year-old prodigy, too young for the 16-year-old Olympic age limit for gymnastics.

Then, suddenly, she wasn't.

Earlier this year China produced her passport that claimed she was born Jan. 1, 1992, making her old enough to perform a brilliant uneven bar routine and push China to the women's all around gold medal.

The Chinese either got it wrong in 2007 or wrong in 2008. Considering 2000 Chinese bronze medalist Yang Yun later admitted on state television she was 14 that year, the reported ages of He Kexin and at least two of her teammates have aroused suspicion in nearly everyone except the powers that be - the International Gymnastics Federation (FIG) and the International Olympic Committee (IOC).

Both organizations accepted the new passport as fact, certified He and tried to cover their collective ears at all the complaints. Wednesday, the IOC even slipped a gold medal around He Kexin's neck.

If the IOC had a modicum of decency and courage (don't count on it), it would open an immediate investigation into whether it might take that medal right back.

If not for the of-age gymnasts who lost to the Chinese, then for He and her diminutive teammates, who - if they actually are old enough - don't deserve suspicion tainting their accomplishment.

While the IOC undoubtedly is petrified of humiliating the host country in such a scandal, doing nothing merely humiliates the IOC and continues the belief that the organization is about money, not fair play.

For its part, the Chinese gymnastics delegation told the AP that the mistake was made by the media and provincial officials, not on the passport. Everything is on the up and up.

"It's definitely a mistake," Zhang Hongliang told the AP. "Never has any media outlet called me to check the athletes' ages.

"We already explained this very clearly," Zhang said. "There's no need to discuss this thing again."

Oh, but there is. The age of the Chinese gymnasts has overwhelmed the women's gymnastics competition.

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By TIM SULLIVAN | Associated Press Writer via UNCENSORED Yahoo! News
Associated Press Writer Gillian Wong contributed to this report
August 13, 2008

Over at the media village, China is battering them with petty kindnesses.

There's one person to open the door to the cafeteria where breakfast is served, and two more to sort journalistic recycling from journalistic trash. There are people to guide the press onto special buses. There are flower-arranging demonstrations (mostly ignored) at the main media press center, just off the Olympic Green, and free afternoon coffee and cookies (well-attended).

Security sweeps are gauntlets of politeness, where the "good-morning's" and "please's" rain down from teams of smiling Olympic staffers in matching blue Olympic outfits.

China has a long history of difficult relations with the foreign media, and has long heavily restricted press access to sensitive stories. But the past week also makes clear that Beijing wants to keep those journalists happy while they cover the Olympic games.

Those sensitive stories, though, are still clearly out of bounds.

On Wednesday, a British television journalist was detained by police as he tried to report on a pro-Tibet protest near the green, where protesters handcuffed themselves together and hung a "Free Tibet" banner from a bridge. John Ray of London-based ITV News was grabbed by police and put into a car. He was released after proving he was a journalist.

International Olympic Committee spokeswoman Emmanuelle Moreau said the committee was checking into what happened. "The IOC's position is clear: the media must be free to report on the Olympic Games," she said in a statement.

While Beijing vowed before the Olympics to give the foreign media unrestricted access to China during the games, Ray's detention was just the latest in a string of recent confrontations between Chinese authorities and international journalists, adding to worries that Beijing has reverted to the tight controls it normally keeps over the press.

Late last month, Chinese police shoved and kicked a crowd of 30,000 people who had waited in the heat for up to two days hoping to get a chance to buy Olympic tickets. Hong Kong television showed several journalists pushing back against police, and Hong Kong Cable TV showed a policeman putting his arm around the neck of one of their reporters and pulling him to the ground.

Last week, two Japanese journalists were briefly detained and beaten by police in western China, triggering a protest by the Japanese government. Chinese officials later apologized. The journalists were working in Xinjiang province at the scene of a deadly attack on Chinese policemen when they were forcibly taken to a border police facility, said a reporter for Japanese broadcaster Nippon Television Network Corp.

While China has long been anxious to use the Olympics as a chance to show its emergence as a global superpower, such reactions also reflect Beijing's efforts to carefully script the games and how journalists cover them.

Olympic freebies and flower-arranging amount to nothing substantive, said Bob Dietz of the New York-based Committee to Protect Journalists. "The easy stuff ... is easy" he said. "This is China turning on its hospitality and welcoming people, and it isn't just journalists getting the red-carpet treatment.

"On the substantive issues, there hasn't been much movement at all," he said. "The one human rights pledge that China made was that there would be a free media for the games -- and that just hasn't materialized."

So coverage of athletes and gold medal face-offs are acceptable. But stories about pro-Tibet protests -- even on the edge of the main Olympic venues -- are off-limits.

"I can give you a general principle: That is, the Chinese government adopts a positive and open attitude and welcomes foreign journalists coming to China and report on the Beijing Olympics," Qin Gang, a Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman, said at a regular briefing Wednesday. He said Chinese officials were "very concerned" about reports of what had happened to the Japanese journalists, but added that: "Local officials have the right to take some measures."

Chinese authorities have been particularly sensitive about Tibet since bloody anti-government protests in March in the region's capital and surrounding provinces.

While foreign journalists regularly face troubles reporting in China, the situation is far worse for Chinese reporters who aggressive cover sensitive topics ranging from official corruption to human rights.

At least 26 Chinese journalists are in prison in China for their work, the New York-based Committee to Protect Journalists said in a statement earlier this year. According to a February report by the Paris-based Reporters Without Borders, China jails the largest number of journalists, cyber dissidents, Internet users and activists for freedom of expression.

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By DeWayne Wickham | USA TODAY
August 12, 2008

What China wants during these Olympics it cannot be allowed to have. More than anything else, the emerging superpower wants to bask in the glory of its role as host of the quadrennial global sports festival. It wants the worldwide embrace that traditionally has come to nations bestowed this honor.

Of course, such acceptance hasn't always been merited. Nazi Germany hosted the Olympics in August 1936, just 11 months after it stripped German Jews of their citizenship and banned them from marrying blond, blue-eyed Germans. And the Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan seven months before Moscow hosted the Olympics in July 1980.

The U.S., which took part in the 1936 Olympics but boycotted the 1980 contest, is represented in China by 596 athletes and George W. Bush, the first U.S. president to attend an Olympic opening ceremony abroad. Bush said it "would be an affront to the Chinese people" if he didn't attend.

He ought to be more concerned about the people of Darfur, the embattled region of Sudan where it's estimated that 300,000 people have been killed and 2.7 million displaced by fighting that has raged in the African country since 2003.

Three years ago, Bush called the attacks by government-backed militias on ethnic minorities in Darfur a "genocide." In July, the International Criminal Court indicted Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir on genocide charges and is considering issuing a warrant for his arrest. China is Sudan's biggest arms supplier. If the Sudanese leader were proven to have committed genocide, China -- which gives Sudan the means to carry out this carnage -- would be guilty of complicity.

China's sins

China's unbroken link to the genocide in Darfur should make a lot of people cringe at the legitimacy the Games now taking place in Beijing give the centuries-old tradition of the Olympic Truce, where warring factions would suspend fighting during the Games, has been replaced with one of indifference. As the rape and slaughter of people in Darfur go on, the U.S. Olympic team picked a refugee from Sudan -- who is now a U.S. citizen -- to carry this country's flag during the opening ceremony last week.

China had to be relieved that it got off so easily.

The worldview

The world has shown much greater tolerance for genocide in Africa than in Europe. About 800,000 people were killed in Rwanda during a span of a little more than three months in 1994 as the international community did virtually nothing. A token force of peacekeepers from African nations has been dispatched to Darfur but has been unable to stop the bloodshed.

When the former Yugoslavia fractured into warring parts, the response was different. Thousands of U.S. and NATO troops were sent into two breakaway regions -- Kosovo and Bosnia -- to stop ethnic cleansing. They stayed for years to keep the war's smoldering ashes from reigniting.

Without significant pressure from other nations, China has done little to pressure the Sudanese government to end the attacks on the people of Darfur. A serious boycott threat might have gotten China to act in the months leading up to the Olympics, but that didn't happen.

Now that the Games are underway, it is up to the athletes who have descended upon Beijing to find a way to signal their disapproval of China's support of the mass killings in Sudan. Some of them have already rejected such a role by saying that they are athletes, not politicians.

They should be reminded that those who commit genocide recognize no such distinction.

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By Adrian Wojnarowski | Yahoo! Sports
August 10, 2008

BEIJING - On his way out of the game, Yao Ming thrust his fist through the air, and soon made that long, wobbly walk to the Chinese bench. The end of a brilliant and historic night for basketball, the end of responsibility for Yao. His work is done. Let him rest.

"The game was a treasure," Yao said, "and it will be a treasure for the rest of my life."

Here was a surreal sight on Sunday night in these Olympic Games. Here was the embodiment of Yao Ming's legacy: His heart, his determination, his immensity. He made possible a billion people worldwide watching a basketball game on television. He made possible these blistering ovations and rock-star treatment the U.S. players receive here. He made possible the hundreds of millions of dollars that David Stern can generate here.

And above all, Yao gave China its Olympic flag-bearer and iconic athlete to frame the most important engagement it's ever had with the world.

"Yao built the bridge for all of us," Kobe Bryant said.

To watch Yao limp and flail and double over to breathe was to understand the reasons with which his sense of obligation brought him back so soon from another broken foot, another surgery. For Yao, this is his life's lot. For his own preservation, his own crack at a career undiminished, he needs to tell a most unrelenting Chinese sports machine that its days of running him into the ground are gone.

No more summers with the national team in non-Olympic years, no more of the treatment that's breaking down his body. The sport's never seen an athlete of his size who is so skilled, so agile. His lower body has crumbled under the burden, with two broken feet, a broken leg and an infected toe. It breaks your heart to watch what has happened to him. As much as anyone, his body needs rest and recovery. The pounding has taken a terrible toll on him.

"They will continue to pressure him," one high-ranking international basketball official said of Chinese officials. "The one thing they do with all of their athletes is drive them into the ground with training. The strongest survive. If you don't, they'll find another to come and do it.

"I mean, they don't do little things like block out good airline seats for them when they travel. They can all be in middle seats in coach for all they care, and that's how Yao travels with them. Whatever happens with his injuries, they're going to insist that he keeps playing for them."

The Chinese government had monitored his birth because of the perfect physical and athletic genes of his parents, forever treating him as something of a science project. Yet there's nothing robotic, nothing programmed, about him. He has such humanity, such a sense of grace and honor. Over time, you can slowly see him assimilating into more of a Western mindset. He has things on his mind. Yes, he has plenty of opinions. It just isn't his culture's way to share them.

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By Christine Brennan - USA TODAY
August 07, 2008

The popular notion is that the story of the Beijing Olympic Games begins this Friday night, 8.8.08, as the saying goes, with the opening ceremony in the glowing-red Bird's Nest.

But that's not entirely true. The history of China's efforts to host the Games is already being written -- some chapters, in fact, are already completed -- and, so far, the plot line looks terrible for the Chinese.

If it weren't so sad, it would be almost comical, how China's leaders are trying to sabotage their own Olympic legacy. They were supposed to free dissidents. Instead, they jailed more. They said their air would be clean. But it looks like pea soup.

Things didn't get better in Tibet. They didn't get better in Sudan's Darfur. They didn't get better for the workers in China.

Journalists were promised they could carry out their work unfettered. Then the government blocked troublesome Internet sites in the press center.

Finally, in what might be their most outrageous act yet (there's still plenty of time for more), Chinese officials revoked the visa of Joey Cheek, one of the world's most charitable Olympians, banning him from the country because of his humanitarian work as co-founder of Team Darfur.

The problem with China is not its people, but its leaders. It's not one country, but two. There's the deferential, white-glove-wearing, efficient nation of 1.3 billion that just might put on the most awe-inspiring Olympics in memory.

There's also heavy-handed official China, the one doing all that damage to its people's good name. The government might as well be the smog that rolls in each day, obscuring the stunning venues, the first-class organization and the simple acts of kindness of tens of thousands of volunteers. You get the feeling it can't help itself. At a time when it so wants to join the rest of the world, when it craves being discovered and admired, it reverts to its Mao default setting.

After decades of Games held in the most agreeable places -- Calgary, Barcelona, Sydney -- we're in uncharted territory here. But it's already clear that the worst thing national Olympic committees and their athletes can do over the next 2½ weeks is to acquiesce to the Chinese leadership's outrageous positions rather than hold true to the values of their homeland because they want to be good guests.

The U.S. Olympic Committee took a few dangerous steps in that direction Wednesday when, in a previously scheduled news conference, its leaders failed to strongly stand up for Cheek, who not only was one of their own just 2½ years ago, he was so beloved he was selected to carry the U.S. flag in the 2006 closing ceremony.

Choosing his words as if he thought Chinese President Hu Jintao had sneaked into the back row to eavesdrop, USOC CEO Jim Scherr gave a lukewarm defense of Cheek: "It is unfortunate, but it's between this government and Joey as a private citizen."

No "We stand with Joey." Not a hint of "He's ours, and he's to be lauded for his efforts." No, just Citizen Cheek.

The USOC is not a political organization, but it does represent a country of many freedoms, and it must do better than that in the next 2½ weeks.

Its leaders would do well to follow the example of the U.S. athletes, who picked as their flag bearer a 1,500-meter runner who fled Sudan at 6 and lived in a refugee camp in Kenya for 10 years before settling in the United States.

Lopez Lomong also happens to be an outspoken member of Cheek's Team Darfur, saying if he won a medal in China, he would "hold an American flag and a Sudan flag" on the medal stand. That would be a perfect political statement, the kind the Chinese government and its accomplices in the International Olympic Committee have railed against for years.

That didn't bother the U.S. team captains who voted for the flag bearer. They could have hidden Lomong. Instead, they asked him to lead them into the stadium.

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By Howard W. French | International Herald Tribune | The New York Times
July 31, 2008

SHANGHAI: This is it for me, folks. I'm finished. Done, meaning this is the last of the regularly scheduled columns readers will see from me in this spot.

I've had the distinct privilege of writing for this space for the past three years, most of that time holding forth on a weekly basis. As much as a privilege, it has been a deeply pleasurable challenge trying to say something interesting and, hopefully, new each time about China and its place in the world.

As a rhythm sets in, so does a humbling sense of hits and misses, guided in great measure by the invaluable feedback of one's readers, and whether one reaps criticism or praise, nitpicking or expansive analysis, it is readers that the column writer comes to cherish most.

As a final installment, this is an occasion meant for parting thoughts, and I offer them herewith. First, as a writer with an innately and sometimes intensely critical bent, one wishes to offer some general observations about China.

What this country has accomplished in the last generation deserves all of our respect. If any doubters remain, the China phenomenon is real. I have eschewed the use of the word miracle, which is often attached to China's development these days, not simply because it has become a cliché, but because it subtly detracts credit where credit is due.

China has achieved the tremendous momentum of growth and change that we journalists are always writing about not by miracle at all, but rather through the hard work and ingenuity of its people. These same factors, along with this society's extraordinary resilience, after experiences in the 20th century that were among the cruelest anywhere, should serve as an inspiration to downtrodden people on other continents.

China's example shows what kinds of remarkable results can follow when governments stop committing colossal blunders and grossly shackling or preying upon their own people. Add universal education to the mix, economic openness and basic law and order almost anywhere, and the results will soon attract that clichéd descriptive: a miracle.

China has had the great fortune of good timing, too, with its reforms coming at the start of a great wave of globalization. And there have been countless other factors behind its success that space won't allow exploring here, but any number of plodding states around the world would do well to learn from its example, from lagging regional giants like Nigeria and Pakistan to borderline failed states like Haiti and Myanmar.

A more interesting question may be, How appropriate is China's model for China itself? Rather than highlighting the country's many successes, the run-up to the Beijing Olympics has ironically spotlighted this country's more retrograde qualities, from environmental devastation and vast class disparities, to a repressive instinct that seems to lurk everywhere here.

This is supposed to be a grand, global celebration, but the people who run the country are so uptight they've frightened their own people, and risk turning off many of their overseas guests - that is, the guests who will make it here despite restrictive visa policies and an atmosphere that leaves no room for spontaneity.

Events of recent months have revealed this to be a deeply reactionary government, a state with manifold reasons for self-confidence, and yet one that seems spooked by its own shadow.

How else to explain the embarrassing need to carefully censor the Internet during the Games, as detailed in this newspaper on Thursday, or the need to jail lawyers, or buy off parents whose children were killed in flimsy schoolhouses during the recent Sichuan earthquake, or to tightly censor journalists, or to ban protests of all sorts?

What this all points to is the emergence of China as a new kind of Potemkin state: a place that invests heavily in the very old-fashioned idea that if you manipulate appearances and control the field of view, reality will gradually bend in the desired direction.

Most have learned from cartoons that the ostrich, by burying its head in the sand, does nothing to make predators disappear. And sure enough, the harder China has tried to exert control, to enforce illusions, the more noticeable the cracks in the façade become.

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